Tarry a little, there is something else.
This bond doth give thee here no jot of blood;
The words expressly are “a pound of flesh.”
—Portia, The Merchant of Venice, Act IV, Scene II
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has turned on his former One Belt, One Road (OBOR) allies, arrogantly demanding a pound of flesh from the People’s Republic of China.
As of late, Sino-Indian tensions have become inexplicably enflamed to pre-1962 levels, with border clashes erupting shortly after China began constructing an innocuous road through Bhutan.
“Diplomatic observers […] said they were surprised that China’s [project] in the Donglang area […] so quickly turned into the biggest military stand-off between the two armies in years,” SCMP noted.
The Washington Post also referenced the skirmishes as a pretext for rubber stamping ties with President Donald Trump, with Modi citing security fears to garner lucrative defence contracts.
“Beyond [defence] sales, however, the conversational landscape is bleak,” WP chided.
Following his US visit, Modi achieved historic lows as the first Indian PM to visit Israel, striking a 500 million USD arms deal with his counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu.
The two have been deepening cooperation between since Modi assumed office in 2014, and have been ramping up their effeminate bromance to epic proportions.
“According to Israeli media, the value of military exchanges between New Delhi and Tel Aviv amounts to one billion dollars each year,” PressTV mentioned.
Furthermore, in May 2017, Modi sloppily pieced together a One Belt, One Road ‘alternative’ with Japanese President Shinzo Abe after recoiling in indignation from the Chinese-led initiative.
“[…] it is still in the drafting stage and at least a year away from being committed to [and], there is no mention of any level of investment that would follow through,” Business Standard highlights.
Fortunately, these conflicts did not occur in a vacuum, and in order to fully understand India’s double-dealing, one must revisit events surrounding the May 15 Belt and Road Summit in Beijing.
29 countries attended, including delegates from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the United Nations; even the US. However India, the OBOR Initiative’s second-largest investor, boycotted the event.
His absence was a mum protest against People’s Republic of China President Xi Jinping’s shrewd decision to deepen ties with Pakistani President Nawaz Sharif on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC); a vital trade route into the Middle East for the OBOR.
Reuters elaborates:
Among the 3.4 billion yuan ($492.95 million) [agreements] signed on Saturday were [two] worth 2.3 billion yuan for an airport in the southwestern town of Gwadar, [the] establishment of the Havelian Dry Port in Pakistan [and] economic and technical cooperation worth 1.1 billion yuan for the East Bay Expressway linking Gwadar to Pakistan’s existing highway system.
Despite India’s snub, Sharif voiced his appreciation to China. ”Such a broad sweep and scale of interlocking economic partnerships and investments is unprecedented in history,” he stated.
Modi’s presence, however, was felt amongst pro-independence demonstrations that erupted across Pakistan’s semi-autonomous Gilgit-Baltistan region in protest of the summit, reminiscent of the Umbrella Revolution of Hong Kong and others, whom attempt to undermine and balkanise China.
The Times of India reported:
Various students and political organisations including Karakoram Students Organisation, Balawaristan National Students Organisation, Gilgit Baltistan United Movement and Balawaristan National Front […] described the project as an illegal attempt to grab Gilgit and see it as a “Road of Gulami or Slavery for Gilgit-Baltistan” [for] China to take over their territory.
Their accusations and timing are questionable, if not subversive. Gilgit-Baltistan has sought to integrate into Pakistani territory since 1947, implying the ‘movements’ as unrepresentative of the region. In contrast, their actions directly correlate to recent events on the CPEC.
On 15 March, Pakistan’s Minister for Interprovincial Coordination Riaz Hussain Pirzada revealed that his government “recommended that Gilgit-Baltistan should be made a province of Pakistan”.
He also noted that “a constitutional amendment would be made to change the status of the region, through which the USD 46 billion [CPEC] passes,” the Hindustan Times reported.
To date, Pakistan had shelved development projects in Gilgit-Baltistan for decades to abide by UN Resolution 47 and its settlement with India over the Jammu and Kashmir conflict.
However, that changed after Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf assumed office in 2001. Chirayu Thakkar of South Asian Voices explains further:
With the manifestation of Gwadar Port, conceived through substantial Chinese investment in 2001, and subsequent rumination upon the [CPEC], it became increasingly inevitable for Pakistan to stabilize the region […] Pakistan’s waning enchantment with the United States and […] hostile neighbor like India makes it geo-strategically imperative for Pakistan to scale up its partnership with China by ensuring the smooth execution of CPEC.
Intimidated by this, India has fought to derail Sino-Pakistani ties, with tensions finally peaking at the May OBOR summit after Beijing and Lahore materialised groundbreaking deals.
Additionally, in order to antagonise Gilgit-Baltistan, the Modi government would need to crack down on Jammu and Kashmir—a region long opposed Indian imperialism. India’s anxiety at the OBOR summit is inextricably tied to its frustration to suppress Kashmiri independence.
A PressTV article palpably illustrates how India routinely jeopardises security in Jammu-Kashmir:
Tensions between Kashmiri students and government forces have intensified since April 15, when Indian forces raided a college in Pulwama […] to scare anti-India activists.
It continues:
The Muslim-majority region has witnessed an increase in mass protests and violent attacks since early July 2016, when Burhan Wani, a top figure in a pro-independence group, was killed in a shootout with Indian troops.
This is not the first time Pakistan has raised concerns about Indian-backed insurgents in Balochistan; Pakistan’s largest and westernmost province.
Pakistani Ambassador to the Republic of Korea Zahid Nasrullah Khan expressed this in a passionate rebuttal to the Korea Times:
Balochistan has been victim of subversive activities by India. On 3rd March 2016 Commander Kulbushan Yadav the RAW operative (Indian intelligence agency) was apprehended by our authorities when he was trying to enter in Pakistan illegally [whose] objective was to instigate Baloch insurgents and finance [the] Baloch Liberation Movement in order for them to carry out subversive activities in Balochistan resulting in the killing of Pakistani citizens.
In addition to causing security headaches, Modi also selfishly declined invitations to join the CPEC, after Pakistani Lieutenant General Aamir Riaz offered to deepen cooperation between them.
“India should ‘shun enmity’ with Pakistan and join the USD 46-billion CPEC along with Iran, Afghanistan and other Central Asian countries and enjoy its benefits,” he continued.
Following the summit, Ding Gang of the People’s Daily stated the following:
If New Delhi joins […] this will help alleviate tensions and confrontations between India and Pakistan. More importantly, the initiative can enhance local people’s living standards […] Civilians in the Kashmiri area have suffered from poverty and armed conflicts for decades. A responsible government has no reason to keep these innocent civilians enduring such ordeals.
Furthermore, India arrogantly chastised the OBOR over potential debt burdens, citing the mantra of “Chinese debt slavery” in Sri Lanka; however, two discrepancies emerge.
Firstly, Sri Lanka still attended the May OBOR summit, along with Nepal and Pakistan. Additionally, China’s “debt burden” hasn’t deterred others from submitting their applications to join the bank.
The bank, which began with 57 ratifiers, has increased its membership to 77 countries, spanning from Europe, Eurasia, Latin America, and East Asia’s most powerful and influential economies.
“More and more countries are signing up to be members of AIIB because they see how internationalism can promote development in Asia, with far reaching benefits for the global economy.” AIIB President Jin Liqun highlighted.
Modi even received the AIIB’s first loan approval to begin the Andhra Pradesh – 24×7 Power for All project, was launched in 2014 to provide electricity to all participatory states on the subcontinent. This was, of course, done with Chinese approval and co-financed by the World Bank.
“I am delighted that AIIB is working closely with India, who is our second largest shareholder, in energy and other infrastructure sectors, and we expect the [project] to be the first of many projects AIIB invests in India,” President Jin expressed.
The project was approved on 2 May, 2017 by the AIIB Board of Governors— two weeks before India’s diplomatic gaffe.
Thankfully, India still has six proposed projects waiting in the approval queue, ranging from the Madhya Pradesh Rural Connectivity Project, Mumbai Metro Line 4 and India Infrastructure Fund, which will become subject to the very people Modi has snubbed.
Consequently, China can simply summon all shareholders to vote on downgrading India’s 8.36 bln USD in contributions and 8% voting power, and recapitalise with several countries—Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and later Turkey—all whom are infinitely more conducive, necessary, and enthusiastic to complete the Silk Road pathway into Europe, rendering India obsolete.
Re-elected Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, eager to initiate the Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline, extended his hand in friendship to his regional ally.
“We hope that the Pakistani side would also more seriously pursue the necessary measures to complete the project,” Rouhani asserted in a Geo TV article.
[Speaker of the National Assembly Sardar Ayaz Sadiq] assured Rouhani that Pakistan would never take any step that could go against the interests of the brotherly country of Iran,” it continued.
By entrusting Iran and Pakistan, the AIIB gains more pragmatic members who can secure future investments for all shareholders.
Furthermore, these shareholders could also cite Article 31 of the AIIB Banking Charter, which reiterates the organisation’s international character:
The Bank, its President, officers and staff shall not interfere in the political affairs of any member, nor shall they be influenced in their decisions by the political character of the member concerned. Only economic considerations shall be relevant to their decisions. Such considerations shall be weighed impartially in order to achieve and carry out the purpose and functions of the Bank.
As Modi’s political affairs jeopardise the ‘international character’ of the Bank, President Jin and AIIB shareholders can vote to limit or exclude India from future projects—including pending ones.
Outlined in the AIIB 2017 Business Plan and Budget Summary, one institutional goal—Continuing Institution Building—was noted as follows:
[In] its second year of operation, the Bank will continue to refine, deepen and enhance its institutional and policy frameworks and ensure their effective implementation […] A key priority will be preparing a mechanism for independent investigation of complaints regarding AIIB non-compliance with its policies [and] institutional arrangements to give effect to the newly enhanced Policy on Prohibited Practices (PPP), helping to keep its operations corruption free.
Finally, assuming that India follows through with its promise to develop itself outside the context of the OBOR initiative, it would need to overcome critical shortcomings to do so.
Manoj Joshi of the New Delhi Observer Research Foundation explains why:
New Delhi has two problems — first, India’s own hopeless internal infrastructure [and second] it lacks the structure of capable state-owned enterprises which can execute projects in quick time. The 19.2-km Kamchiq tunnel in Uzbekistan built by the China Railway Tunnel Group was completed in 2016 in exactly three years, the 756-km Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway in five years by the China Railway Group […] random examples of the accomplishments of Chinese companies.
India’s chauvinist aspirations in Jammu and Kashmir, as well as Gilgit-Baltistan, have no place in the AIIB and will endanger its future operations and Modi’s refusal to accept the CPEC corridor will turn his country into a regional pariah as Pakistan paves the way to the Middle East.
Modi will suffer a vague geopolitical mire that nationalist sentiments cannot remedy. As the world around India builds with China, 1.4 billion Indian onlookers will face an uncertain future.
India cannot hide behind its 7.1% GDP growth with a falling business efficacy rating. By sabotaging its future in the OBOR, Modi’s demands for China’s pound of flesh will come at a terrible cost.
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